The texts, in their own characters
51 passages from 35 works, filed by the period they speak to rather than the dynasty that printed them: Pre-Qin ritual manuals, a Han park fu, Tang thank-you memorials for a New Year gift of one painted Zhong Kui, Song evidential notebooks, Yuan and Ming story-encyclopaedias, Qing 考证. 154 quoted lines in 51 captures, every one of them from a public-domain edition we downloaded and kept.
Two layers, never merged. The gold-barred block in 楷體 is the text's own characters, transcribed from the held capture; the plain paragraph under it is ours. A seal says how far we checked: Confirmed Confirmed the line was read against the captured edition, Inferred Inferred the edition or its attribution is only partly established, Reported Reported a claim later scholars repeat that we could not recover in any accessible text, Denied Denied a citation that fails when we look.
51 passages
35 distinct works
7 strata, 先秦 to 清
46 read against the edition
5 partly or not established
1 counter-evidence
25 primary text, 17 scholarly examination, 8 folk and narrative record, 1 counter-evidence. All 51 captures come from public-domain editions on zh.wikisource.org, so a reader can open the same page and search the same string; characters appear exactly as that page holds them, down to an edition's own section-heading marks.
Pre-Qin 先秦
3 passages whose subject-matter sits here; the printed edition's own date is on each slip
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
战国—汉初编定之礼制文献（本次未核成书年代）
《周禮》
夏官・方相氏（维基文库页题《周禮/夏官司馬》）
方相氏：掌蒙熊皮、黃金四目、玄衣朱裳、執戈揚盾，帥百隸而時難，以索室驅疫。大喪，先柩；及墓，入壙，以戈擊四隅，驅方良。
In the Rites of Zhou the Fangxiang-shi wears a bear skin with four golden eyes, a black robe and crimson skirt, carries a dagger-axe and shield, and leads bondsmen in the seasonal Nuo search of rooms to drive out plague; at grand funerals he strikes the four corners of the tomb shaft to expel the wangliang demon — the ritual blueprint whose gear and function later reappear on Zhongkui. No classical text, however, explicitly identifies Fangxiang-shi with Zhongkui.
中文提要
《周禮·夏官》方相氏「蒙熊皮、黃金四目、玄衣朱裳、執戈揚盾，帥百隸而時難，以索室驅疫」，大喪入壙「以戈擊四隅，驅方良」。→ 中土逐疫职官之礼制原型：黄金四目、执戈扬盾、率属索室驱疫，与后世钟馗图像之功能、器用几乎全同。此为「钟馗源于方相氏傩祭」说的原始文本依据（属今人比附，古无明文将方相氏与钟馗相连）。
held record text-zhouli-xiaguan-fangxiangshi__cd980292.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
战国—汉初成书（本次未核）
《論語》
鄉黨第十
鄉人儺，朝服而立於阼階。
The Analects records that when the villagers performed the Nuo, Confucius donned his court robes and stood on the east steps — proof that house-to-house plague-driving was already a sanctioned communal rite in the Spring-and-Autumn period, the ritual soil into which Zhongkui later fell.
中文提要
《論語·鄉黨》：「鄉人儺，朝服而立於阼階。」→ 春秋—战国之际「儺」已是乡里通行之逐疫仪式，且士人须朝服临阼阶以礼之。证明逐傩习俗之社会性与正统性，为钟馗信仰所依附之礼俗土壤（不构成钟馗本身之出处）。
held record text-confucius-lunyu-xiangdang-nuo__f6e2106d.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
战国—汉初（本次未核）
《周禮》
冬官・考工記（玉人段；维基文库页题《周禮/冬官考工記》，篇题「玉人」为通行分章，未见于本快照窗口）
大圭長三尺，杼上終葵首，天子服之。
The Kaogong ji describes the great jade tablet as tapering to a zhongkui head — the earliest classical occurrence of the word zhongkui, where it denotes the shape of a ritual jade, not a person or a deity. All later Zhongkui-is-zhongkui-club arguments start here.
中文提要
《考工記》：「大圭長三尺，杼上終葵首，天子服之。」→ 「終葵」一词之最早经典出处，本义为圭首之形（后世注家解为「椎」）。宋明清学者「钟馗即终葵（椎）」论之一切引证皆以此为原点；此处并非人名、亦非鬼神。
held record text-zhouli-kaogongji-yuren-zhongkui__3df6771f.txt open edition
Han 汉
1 passage whose subject-matter sits here; the printed edition's own date is on each slip
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
《廣成頌》东汉（2世纪）；《後漢書》5世纪
《後漢書》
卷六十上・馬融列傳（收《廣成頌》）
詔靈保，召方相，驅厲疫，走蜮祥。翬終葵，揚關斧，刊重冰，撥蟄戶
Ma Rong's second-century Fu on the Guangcheng park lists summoning the Fangxiang to drive off plague spirits alongside wielding the zhongkui and raising the guan axe — the earliest usage in which zhongkui is an instrument held in the hand during plague-driving, the hinge of the whole Qing evidential chain.
中文提要
馬融《廣成頌》上林典仪一段：「詔靈保，召方相，驅厲疫，走蜮祥……翬終葵，揚關斧，刊重冰，撥蟄戶。」→ 东汉文学语汇中「終葵」已与方相氏逐疫同列，且与「揚關斧」对举、可「翬（揮）」，即被当作可挥举的器物（椎）。此为「终葵=逐疫之椎」的最早用例，亦是顾炎武以下考订链的枢纽材料。
held record text-houhanshu-juan60shang-guangchengsong__5dbc117f.txt open edition
Tang 唐
8 passages whose subject-matter sits here; the printed edition's own date is on each slip
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
唐（667—730）；表当作于则天—睿宗朝之前，具体年份本页未标
《謝賜鍾馗及曆日表》（《張燕公集》系；维基文库单篇页）
单篇（维基文库页无卷次）
臣某言：中使至，奉宣聖旨，賜臣畫鍾馗一及新曆日一軸者。屏袪群厲，繢神像以無邪；允授人時，頒曆書而敬授。
Zhang Yue's thanks for a gift of one painted Zhongkui together with a scroll of the new calendar shows that by the reigns of Wu Zetian / Ruizong the year-end presentation of a Zhongkui image was already an imperial convention — earlier than Xuanzong's Kaiyuan era, which contradicts the dream-origin story as the source of the custom.
中文提要
唐張說《謝賜鍾馗及曆日表》：皇帝岁暮以「畫鍾馗一」与「新曆日一軸」同赐大臣，表文以「屏袪群厲，繢神像以無邪」为颂。→ 钟馗与历日同为国家岁暮赐物之最早传世谢表；证明「皇帝赐钟馗图」是中古制度而非民间传说。此表年代早于开元（张说卒于开元十八年），故「钟馗赐例始于明皇梦」之说与文集证据相冲突（沈括亦未见此表，杨慎已指出）。
held record text-tang-zhangyue-xie-si-zhongkui-biao__522b9fec.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
唐（772—842）
《為淮南杜相公謝賜鍾馗曆日表》
单篇（刘禹锡集卷十六系；维基文库页无卷次）
臣某言：高品某乙至，奉宣聖旨，賜臣畫《鍾馗》一、新曆日一軸。圖寫威神，驅除群厲。頒行律曆，敬授四時。施張有嚴，既增門戶之貴
Liu Yuxi's parallel memorial for the military governor of Huainan confirms the same year-end gift and, crucially, says the picture was set up over the gate — the ritual use that survives in folk practice; the transmitted wording differs in the encyclopedia and in Zhao Yi's quotation.
中文提要
劉禹錫代淮南节度使杜悰谢表，同见岁暮赐「畫鍾馗」+「新曆日」，且「施張有嚴，既增門戶之貴」明说钟馗图之施用所在＝门户。→ 9世纪淮南—朝廷赐例的独立见证（与张说表并存三通），制度史证据充分。异文：《钦定古今图书集成·岁功典》引《三余赘笔》作「颁行元曆」「张弛有严，光增门户之贵」，赵翼《陔余丛考》所引亦同异文系统（见 qing_gaiyu_35 / qing_jicheng_suigong 条）。
held record text-tang-liuyuxi-xie-duxianggong-biao__a76e1a72.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
唐（772—842）
《為李中丞謝賜鍾馗曆日表》
单篇
臣某言：中使某乙至，奉宣聖旨，賜臣畫《鍾馗》一、新曆日一軸。繢其神象，表去厲之方；頒以曆書，敬授時之始。
A second memorial by Liu Yuxi defines the painted Zhongkui as the state's 'way of removing evils', handed out alongside the calendar — for Tang officials Zhongkui was an instrument of sanctioned exorcism, not a ghost story.
中文提要
刘禹锡另一通谢钟馗历日表：「繢其神象，表去厲之方」——把钟馗图像定义为国家授予的「去厉之术」。→ 唐代士大夫接受层面：钟馗不是鬼怪故事，而是与历日并列的、具有官方祛邪功能的赐物。
held record text-tang-liuyuxi-xie-lizhongcheng-biao__71f9ba4a.txt open edition
- Inferred Inferred
primary text
唐文集；此为本为宋—明翻刻之四部丛刊影印本
《劉夢得文集》
卷第十七（四部叢刊本目錄）
代謝鍾馗等又代謝鍾馗等
In the Sibu congkan edition of Liu Yuxi's collected works the catalogue of juan 17 lists two thanks headed simply 'for Zhongkui and the like', showing that the fuller titles circulating in encyclopaedias are later.
中文提要
四部丛刊本《刘梦得文集》卷十七目录并列「代謝鍾馗等」「又代謝鍾馗等」两目（即上述二表之本子）。→ 二表在宋元刻本系统中标作「谢鍾馗等」，与单篇题「谢赐鍾馗曆日表」不同，说明表题后经类书/集成改易；亦证明「代杜相公、代李中丞」二表之别本旧无「赐历日」字样。本条只核得目录目名，表文正文在同一卷内为「代杜司徒」诸表所据窗口之外，故 confidence=partial。
held record text-liu-mengde-wenji-juan17-mulu-zhongkui__bcbb9619.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
晚唐（9世纪后半；《全唐诗》卷六一五收周繇赋，本快照未标年）
《夢舞鍾馗賦》
单篇律赋（维基文库题《夢舞鍾馗賦（以「德至前王，始觀神跡」為韻）》）
見幡綽兮上言丹陛，引鍾馗兮來舞華茵開元中撫念齊民，憂勤大國。萬機親決於宸斷，微瘧遂沾於聖德詔道子寫婆娑之狀，百辟鹹觀彼號伊祁，亦名鬱壘。儺襖於凝沍之末，驅厲於發生之始
Zhou Yao's late-Tang fu on Zhongkui dancing in the emperor's dream — dated to the Kaiyuan era inside the text — predates Shen Kuo's Brush Talk by some two centuries and is the earliest complete version of the dream story, which therefore cannot have been invented by Shen Kuo; the fu itself equates Zhongkui with Yulei and the Nuo.
中文提要
晚唐周繇《夢舞鍾馗賦》以科举律赋写「開元中」明皇疟疾梦钟馗起舞、觉而愈、诏吴道子图形，并以赋句自陈钟馗「彼號伊祁，亦名鬱壘」，与季冬大傩、孟春驱疫同一职司。→ 现存最早之完整「玄宗梦钟馗」文本，比沈括《补笔谈》早约二百年；亦是最早把钟馗与神荼郁垒/傩祭直接等齐的文本。流行说法「此事最早见于《梦溪笔谈》」不成立。赋中小序所称年月（咸通十三年进士）未见于本快照，故作者生平年代不下断语。
held record text-tang-zhouyao-meng-wu-zhongkui-fu__83b2c015.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
宋初；条出唐《雲溪友議》
《太平廣記》
卷第二百五十六・嘲誚四（李宣古条）
不須當戶立，頭上有鍾馗。唐澧州宴，酒乣崔雲娘形貌瘦瘠
A Tang banquet verse teasing a gaunt singer — 'no need to stand at the door, you have a Zhongkui on your head' — shows that by the 9th century Zhongkui had become a proverb for ugliness, the mental ground on which the later 'ugorious but gifted' plot rests.
中文提要
《太平廣記》卷256引《雲溪友議》：唐澧州宴上伶人崔雲娘瘦瘠，李宣古戏赠诗「不須當戶立，頭上有鍾馗」，以钟馗为丑陋露头之讥。→ 唐代口语/谐谑已把「钟馗」当作丑陋之喻（并暗指门上所贴画象），是最早证明钟馗已成俗谚级意象的材料；与「钟馗=丑貌→应举不捷」后世叙事之心理基础相关。
held record text-taiping-guangji-juan256-zhongkui-tou__39f03444.txt open edition
- Denied Denied
counter-evidence
序题「大中元年八月」（847）
《逸史》（旧题唐盧肇）
维基文库全页（辑自《說郛》卷二四，凡四十五条）
盧子既作《史錄》畢，乃集聞見之異者，目為《逸史》焉。凡紀四十五條，皆我唐之事。時大中元年八月。鍾馗
The short final line above is the string searched for, not a sentence of this book: the capture records that it does not occur anywhere in the page.
Negative test: the encyclopaedias all cite Tang Yishi for the dream story, yet the transmitted Yishi attributed to Lu Zhao (preface 847, 45 entries, 7693 characters on Wikisource) contains no occurrence of Zhongkui at all — the citation chain cannot be closed in the extant texts, as Zhao Yi already said.
中文提要
否证：宋明类书（《古今事文类聚》《古今合璧事类备要》《天中记》《群书类编故事》）所录「明皇梦钟馗」条一律标出《唐逸史》，但维基文库所传《逸史》（旧题卢肇，大中元年序，四十五条）全页 7693 字中「鍾馗」「馗」各出现 0 次。→ 说明：①此《逸史》辑本无钟馗条；②《唐逸史》原书早佚，类书所引者或为另一书、或出转引增饰，「故事出自唐逸史」之出处链在现存文本中无法闭合。赵翼已直言「《唐逸史》不可见」。
held record text-tang-yishi-zhongkui-negative__e50ea4db.txt open edition
- Reported Reported
scholarly examination
明（论者）；所涉孙逖为唐（697—762）
《升菴集》
卷四十四（论孙逖、张说谢表）
按孫逖張説文集有謝賜鍾馗畫表先於開元久矣文人又戲作鍾馗傳言鍾馗為開元進士明皇夢見命工畫之尤為無稽
Yang Shen, Chen Shiyuan and Zhao Yi all assert that Sun Ti's collected works contain a similar thank-you for a Zhongkui. Zhang Yue's memorial survives and is verified here; Sun Ti's was not found in any accessible edition in this pass, so it is logged as an unrecovered claim, not as Tang evidence.
中文提要
杨慎（及陈士元《名疑》、赵翼《陔余丛考》）均称「孙逖、张说文集有谢赐钟馗画表」。张说表今存并已核（tang_zhangyue_biao）；孙逖表之原文本次在维基文库及其他可及电子文本中均未检得（检索尝试：孙逖+鍾馗、謝賜鍾馗、为孙逖作表等），赵翼亦只转引而不载全文。→ 「孙逖亦有谢表」在孙氏文集重新核得之前，只能作为明清学者的转述记录，不可径写为唐代证据。本条 confidence=unverified，专供事实核查页使用。
held record text-ming-yangshen-shenganji-juan44__4eebf90f.txt open edition
Song 宋
17 passages whose subject-matter sits here; the printed edition's own date is on each slip
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
宋初（辑成年代本快照未标）；条出《野人閒話》
《太平廣記》
卷第二百十四・畫五（黃筌条）
昔吳道子所畫一鍾馗，衣藍衫，鞹一足，眇一目，腰一笏，巾裹而蓬發垂鬢。左手捉一鬼，以右手第二指剜鬼眼睛。吳道子所畫鍾馗，一身之力，氣色眼貌，俱在第二指，不在拇指。〈（出《野人閒話》）〉
The Taiping guangji (10th c.) fixes the canonical Wu Daozi iconography — blue robe, one bare foot, one blind eye, tablet at the waist, catching a ghost with the left hand and gouging its eye with the second finger of the right — together with the story of Huang Quan's refusal to alter it.
中文提要
《太平廣記》卷214「黃筌」条（明标出《野人閒話》）保存10世纪已定型的「吴道子钟馗样」细节：蓝衫、鞹一足、眇一目、腰笏、巾裹蓬发、左手捉鬼、右手第二指剜鬼目，以及「不可妄改」的画史公案。→ 钟馗图像学之最早可引文本；宋初已把钟馗视为吴道子画题。
held record text-taiping-guangji-juan214-huangquan-zhongkui__1117df9c.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
北宋（沈括1031—1095；《补笔谈》为其晚年稿，本页未标年）
《夢溪筆談》
補筆談卷下（维基文库页《夢溪筆談/補筆談》现代标点本）
禁中舊有吳道子畫鍾馗，其卷首有唐人題記曰靈祇應夢，厥疾全瘳，烈士除妖，實須稱獎。因圖異狀，頒顯有司。歲暮驅除，可宜遍識。熙寧五年，上令畫工摹搨鐫板，印賜兩府輔臣各一本。是歲除夜，遣入內供奉官梁楷就東西府給賜鍾道之象。愨有妹名鍾馗。後魏有李鍾馗非起於開元之時「鍾馗」字亦作「鍾葵」
Shen Kuo records the palace Wu Daozi Zhongkui with its Tang colophon and imperial批, the block-printed copies of the fifth Xining year bestowed on the grand councillors and distributed on New Year's Eve by the eunuch Liang Kai, and the tomb epitaph proving the name Zhongkui predates the Kaiyuan era.
中文提要
沈括《补笔谈》记：宫中藏吴道子画钟馗，卷首唐人题记叙明皇梦二鬼事，并有御批「靈祇應夢…以祛邪魅，兼靜妖氛」；熙宁五年神宗令画工摹拓镌板、印赐两府辅臣各一本，是岁除夜遣内供奉官梁楷就东西府给赐「鍾道之象」。又据皇祐中所发宋宗悫母郑夫人墓志，知「悫有妹名鍾馗」，故断言「鍾馗之名，從來亦遠矣，非起於開元之時」。→ 本条是「皇帝以钟馗图印本赐大臣」之有年号的实录记录（宫廷版印、除夜给赐），亦是最早以碑志反证钟馗名先于唐者。流行说法「此事最早见于《梦溪笔谈》」只在他未见周繇赋、未见张说/刘禹锡谢表的意义上成立。
held record text-mengxi-bitian-bubitan-xia__58c7048f.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
北宋；四庫全書本抄自《永樂大典》系
《夢溪筆談》
補筆談卷下（欽定四庫全書本）
批曰靈祗應夢厥疾全瘳烈士除妖實須稱奬熙寧五年上令畫工摸搨錢板印賜兩府輔臣各一本是歲除夜遣入内供奉官梁楷就東西府給賜鍾馗之象然則鍾馗之名從來亦逺矣非起於開元之時始有畫耳鍾馗字一作鍾葵
The Siku quanshu witness of the same passage differs materially from the modern punctuated edition — qian-ban vs juan-ban, and Zhongkui zhi xiang vs Zhongdao zhi xiang — so every quotation must state its witness.
中文提要
四库全书本《补笔谈》同段之无标点异文：「靈祗應夢…稱奬」（点校本作「靈祇…稱獎」）、「摸搨錢板」（点本作「摹搨鐫板」）、「給賜鍾馗之象」（点本作「鍾道之象」）、「非起於開元之時始有畫耳」（点本作「開元之時，始有此畫耳」）。→ 版本异文链：同一句话在四库写本与今通行点校本之间已有实质歧出，「鍾道之象／鍾馗之象」之别关系到是否另有「钟道」之名。引用时必须交代所据版本。
held record text-mengxi-bitian-siku-bubitan__41333458.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
北宋
《夢溪筆談》
卷二十四（欽定四庫全書本）
嵗首畫鍾馗于門不知起自何時皇祐中金陵發一塚有石誌乃宋宗慤母鄭夫人宗慤有妺名鍾馗鍾馗之説亦逺矣
In juan 24 Shen Kuo states independently that a Zhongkui is painted on doors at New Year and that he cannot say when the custom began; the punctuated edition of this very juan is corrupt at exactly this sentence, so the ledger cites the Siku witness.
中文提要
《梦溪笔谈》正集卷24（四库本）另出一条：「嵗首畫鍾馗于門不知起自何時」，同引皇祐金陵所发宗悫母郑夫人墓志、妹名钟馗为证。→ 沈括两见（正集与补笔谈）；「岁首画钟馗于门」是北宋门贴之俗的直接陈述，与唐代门户施张之制一脉。按：维基文库同卷之现代标点本（快照 …fdac6366）此句作「鍾馗之説不右起自何時」「宗愨有妹名鍾道」，显系讹字/异文，故本账目只引四库本。
held record text-mengxi-bitian-siku-juan24__24266ad3.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
北宋（庆历中事，1041—1048）
《夢溪筆談》
卷第七（异事/技艺类，维基文库现代标点本）
嘗木刻一「舞鍾馗」，高二三尺，右手持鐵簡以香餌置鍾馗左手中。鼠緣手取食，則左手扼鼠，右手運簡斃之。以獻荊王
Shen Kuo describes a clockwork wooden Dancing Zhongkui that catches rats with an iron baton — the Dancing Zhongkui of the 1040s was a motif famous enough to be mechanised, and the iron baton is already its attribute.
中文提要
沈括记庆历中术士李巧思，木刻「舞鍾馗」为自动机关，左手握鼠、右手运简击毙之，献于荆王。→ 北宋「舞钟馗」是可被机关模拟的流行表演图像（持铁简之姿），为「舞钟馗」由舞蹈/百戏题材转化为机械奇戏之最早记载；亦证「铁简」器用早于小说。与《图画见闻志》智蕴进《舞钟馗图》（五代）连读。
held record text-mengxi-bitian-juan7-automaton__a2b6200d.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
北宋（本页未标年）
《圖畫見聞志》
卷第六・鍾馗樣
鍾馗樣昔吳道子畫鍾馗，衣藍衫，鞹一足，眇一目，腰笏巾首而蓬髮，以左手捉鬼，以右手抉其鬼目，筆迹遒勁，實繪事之絕格也。此鍾馗若用拇指搯其目，則愈見有力，試為我改之。吳道子所畫鍾馗，一身之力、氣色、眼貌，俱在第二指，不在拇指，以故不敢輙改也。
The Treatise on Painting sets up a dedicated category 'the Zhongkui pattern', naming Wu Daozi's original as the standard the trade must not alter — by the 11th century Zhongkui had become a fixed iconographic formula.
中文提要
《图画见闻志》卷六专立「钟馗样」一目（类目名本身即宋人以吴道子本为画样标准之证据），记蜀主命黄筌以拇指改之、筌不敢改之事，与《太平广记》卷214所出《野人闲话》同源而文字略异（抉／剜、搯／掐）。→ 「钟馗样」作为固定画科术语，11世纪已成立；是「吴道子原样」权威叙事之画史版本。
held record text-tuhua-jianwen-zhi-juan6-zhongkuiyang__69fd0ee6.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
北宋
《圖畫見聞志》
卷第二（画家传）
周祖時進《舞鍾馗圖》，賜紫衣。有《十六羅漢》、《挾鬼鍾馗》、《佛林弟子》等圖傳於世。有《漢書西域傳》、《骨貴馬》、《小兒戲舞》、《鍾馗》、《彈棋》、《診脉》等圖傳於世。
The same catalogue lists 9th-10th-century painters with a Zhongkui, a Zhongkui Carrying off a Ghost, and a Dancing Zhongkui presented to the Latter Zhou court in exchange for purple robes — a court painting genre rewarded with rank, prior to any narrative text.
中文提要
《图画见闻志》卷二所录9—10世纪画目：唐末入蜀画家赵岩有《钟馗》图（与《小儿戏舞》并列）；后周时智蕴进《舞钟馗图》得赐紫衣；王道求有《挟鬼钟馗》图。→ 钟馗在唐末—宋初画院体系内已是独立画题，且可因之得赐紫衣（官服赏赐），并与小儿戏舞、挟鬼等百戏样式并列，为「舞钟馗」之舞台/百戏渊源提供画史旁证，早于任何钟馗小说文本。
held record text-tuhua-jianwen-zhi-juan2__2decd916.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
北宋
《事物紀原》
卷八（鍾馗条，维基文库四库全书本）
開元中明皇病痁居小殿夢二鬼一大一小小者鞟一足懸一履於腰間竊太真紫香嚢及拈玉笛吹之頗喧擾已而其大者曰臣武舉所棄鍾馗也將為陛下煞之由是故今人以其像施於門帳中也沈括筆談曰嵗首畫鍾馗不知起自何時
The Shiwu jiyuan gives the dream story with the striking variant self-designation 'Zhongkui, discarded by the martial examination' — the earliest trace of the military-candidate branch, agreeing with the Song Snow Zhongkui colophon rather than with Shen Kuo.
中文提要
《事物纪原》卷八「钟馗」条以类书体记明皇梦说，并保存重要异文：大鬼自称「臣武舉所棄鍾馗也」（他书作「终南山进士」）；又记「今人以其像施於門帳中」。→ 「武举不第」一支之最早文本源头，与《佩文斋书画谱》所记孙知微《雪钟馗》「想見武舉不第胸中未平」同一系统；本条为元明「钟馗=武举落第」叙事之祖本之一，亦说明宋人笔记所据梦说与沈括所据唐题记并非同一传本。
held record text-shiwu-jiyuan-juan8-menshen-zhongkui__7b446783.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
北宋宣和间（本页未标年）
《宣和畫譜》
卷第四・人物（楊棐条）
又作《鍾馗》，亦工。明皇病瘧，夢鍾馗舞於前以遣瘧癘。嘗得六朝古碣於墟墓間上有鍾馗字，似非始於開元也。卒無考據。立像觀音一，鍾馗氏圖一。
The Xuanhe catalogue weighs the dream against the Six-Dynasties stele and pronounces 'in the end there is no evidence' — the Song court connoisseurs declared the origin unverifiable — while listing an imperial picture of Zhongkui-shi (with the clan suffix), the crux of Lang Ying's later argument.
中文提要
《宣和画谱》卷四杨棐条并列两说（明皇梦说 vs 六朝古碣说），官修画谱判词为「卒無考據」——北宋宫廷鉴藏在12世纪已承认钟馗起源不可考；又御府著录《鍾馗氏圖一》。→ 一、证「钟馗故事最早见于沈括」不成立（宣和画谱另据所见唐人题记/古碣之说）；二、「鍾馗氏」之称（氏字）为「小妹/嫁妹」语源之孤例线索；三、郎瑛《七修类稿》以下诸家之「六朝古碣」论全出此条。
held record text-song-xuanhe-huapu-juan4__d29bee0a.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
北宋（11世纪中）
《新五代史》
卷第六十七・吳越世家
歲除，畫工獻鍾馗擊鬼圖，倧以詩題圖上，進思見之大悟，知倧將殺己。
Ouyang Xiu's orthodox history records that on the New Year's Eve of the succession year the Wuyue painters customarily presented a Zhongkui Striking a Ghost and that a poem written on it triggered a coup — the firmest early proof of a year-end court ritual.
中文提要
欧阳修《新五代史》吴越世家：钱倧嗣位之年（本文作「開運四年，佐卒，弟倧以次立」）除夕，画工例献《钟馗击鬼图》，钱倧题诗其上，胡进思据此悟将受诛，是夕拥卫兵废倧。→ 「除夕献钟馗图」为十世纪两京宫廷之惯常制度且入正史，是岁暮钟馗礼俗最早之信史记录；顾炎武《日知录》四库本注、黄汝成《集释》原注皆引此条以证宫禁岁暮例献。此条亦是「钟馗=击鬼者」而非「被驱之鬼」的图像学硬证。
held record text-song-ouyang-xin-wudaishi-wuyue__2e84af96.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
folk and narrative record
南宋
《古今事文類聚》
前集卷六・夢鍾馗
明皇開元講武驪山翠華還宫上不恱因痁疾作晝夢一小鬼衣絳犢鼻跣一足履一足臣終南山進士鍾馗也因武徳中應舉不㨗羞歸故里觸殿階而死是時奉㫖賜綠袍以葬之感恩發誓與我王除天下虛耗妖孽之事{{SK notes|唐逸史}}乃詔畫工呉道子曰試與朕如夢圖之道子奉㫖恍若有睹立筆成圖進呈
A Southern-Song encyclopaedia, cited to Tang Yishi, gives the earliest extant complete version of the failure / death-on-the-steps / green-robe plot — internally contradictory, since Zhongkui sits exams under Wude (618-626) yet appears to Xuanzong in Kaiyuan (713-741).
中文提要
南宋类书《古今事文类聚》前集卷六「梦钟馗」条，末以四库夹注标出处「唐逸史」，为现存可见之最早完整「应举不捷—触殿阶死—赐绿袍以葬」叙事：大鬼自称「终南山进士」，而应举年号却系于唐高祖「武德中」，同时玄宗年号已是「开元」——年号自相矛盾（高祖武德与玄宗开元相隔百年）。→ 「钟馗进士不第触阶死」之故事在现存文本中不早于南宋类书；其所标祖本《唐逸史》今存辑本无此条（见 tang_yishi_negative）。此条为「武德版」之祖，明《天中记》《三教源流搜神大全》《群书类编故事》、元明《氏族大全》皆其流。
held record text-song-gujin-shiwen-leiju-qian6-zhongkui__1ab3029a.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
南宋
《古今合璧事類備要》
前集卷十五・鍾馗事迹
鍾馗事迹又北史堯諠本名鍾葵字辟邪又有于勁者亦字鍾馗以世數攷之諠又居前則知不特起於宋也俗傳起於唐明皇時皇祐中穿地得碑乃宋宗慤母墓誌載其妹名鍾馗{{SK notes|今人嵗首畫丨丨辟邪
A Southern-Song handbook rebuts the popular dating with three onomastic witnesses and an argument from generational order before quoting the dream story — Song evidential method, and the wellspring of the Ming-Qing考证 chain.
中文提要
南宋《合璧事类备要》「钟馗事迹」条于引《唐逸史》梦说之前，先据（1）皇祐所出宗悫母墓志（妹名钟馗）、（2）《北史》尧暄本名钟葵字辟邪、（3）于劲字钟馗三条反证「俗传起于唐明皇」之不可信，并用「以世數攷之」的年代排序法作论证；其引文夹注标明《遁斋闲览》（宋吴曾）。→ 与沈括、李石《续博物志》构成宋代考订派之三本记录，是明郎瑛、杨慎、胡应麟、清顾炎武、赵翼以下诸家所本之宋人源头。
held record text-gushin-heibi-shilei-beiyao-qian15-zhongkui__127c99de.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
宋
《續博物志》
卷八（欽定四庫全書本）
鍾馗起于唐明皇之夢非也北史堯暄本名鍾葵字辟邪于勁字鍾葵宋宗慤妹名鍾葵非特明皇時但葵馗二字異耳又曰終葵菜名俗好於門畫虎頭書聻字謂隂司刀鬼名讀漢舊史儺逐疫又立桃人葦索滄耳虎等
Li Shi rejects the dream origin with three name-witnesses and adds a third theory (zhongkui as a vegetable), while the same juan preserves door-tigers, the nuo character, peach effigies, reed ropes and Cang'er — a Song survival of Han-Jin Nuo paraphernalia.
中文提要
李石《续博物志》：「鍾馗起于唐明皇之夢非也」，举《北史》尧暄、于劲、宗悫妹三例，判「但葵馗二字異耳」，另出「终葵菜名」一说。同卷又记「俗好於門畫虎頭書聻字」「立桃人葦索滄耳虎」——保存汉晋傩仪旧物在宋代民俗中之残影（与《荆楚岁时记》桃板神荼郁垒系统相接）。→ 南宋学者明确否定梦说之成文记录，且提出名物（菜名）与人名两派异说，证明「终葵」语义之争在宋代已多途展开。
held record text-xubowuzhi-juan8-zhongkui-feiyi__6059576f.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
所引《武林旧事》旧题宋末周密作（本次未核页内署名）；诗及注为后世辑作
《南宋襍事詩》
卷三（诗注引《武林舊事》官本杂剧段数）
風花雪月爨宴瑤池爨夜半樂爨王崇道休妻李勉負心鍾馗爨王魁三鄉題襤哮店休妲秀才下醋擂風流藥三笑月中行此即元人院本所自起也官本襍劇段數
A Southern-Song court repertoire list preserves an item named Zhongkui cuan — the earliest surviving stage-programme title linking Zhongkui to performed drama, though no script of it survives.
中文提要
《南宋杂事诗》卷三注引《武林旧事》所录「官本杂剧段数」，其中有「鍾馗爨」一目，注家并断言「此即元人院本所自起也」。→ 南宋宫廷杂剧保有以钟馗为题之「爨」（滑稽歌舞小戏）名目，为钟馗登上表演史舞台最早之名目证据（仅存节目名，剧本不传）。与北宋《图画见闻志》智蕴《舞钟馗图》、沈括木刻舞钟馗连读，可见舞/戏钟馗自10世纪起持续在场。「钟馗爨」是后世《钟馗嫁妹》等剧之远源，然本页只能证明名目存在，不能证明内容。
held record text-nansong-zashi-shi-juan3-zhongkui-cuan__ed61f20b.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
南宋
《硯箋》
磁硯・虢硯条／砚赋
虢州歲貢十硯。未知鍾馗之由爾其郎官之樣，鍾馗之制
Gao Siyan's inkstone notes quote Su Yijian on Guozhou's tribute of Zhongkui stone inkstones adding that nobody knows why — and Wu Shu's rhapsody lists a Zhongkui form beside the Langguan form: an object-name whose meaning the Song had already lost.
中文提要
高似孙《砚笺》引《通典》「虢州歲貢十硯」并注：《苏谱》云「虢貢鍾馗石硯」，随即自注「未知鍾馗之由」；同书录吴淑《砚赋》「爾其郎官之樣，鍾馗之制」。→ 10—11世纪砚之形制名已有「钟馗制」，而宋人自己已不解其由来（这是「名存义亡」之典型器物证据）；与杨慎、赵翼、徐骏所见「十枚／二十枚」「钟馗／终葵」异文连读（见 ming_yangshen、qing_gaiyu_35、qing_guanji），构成器物名链条。
held record text-song-yanjian-guo-zhongkui__388dde15.txt open edition
- Inferred Inferred
scholarly examination
宋末（据自注，未核）
《浪跡叢談》
卷九（黄筌条）
又蜀後主嘗詔筌於內殿觀吳道玄畫鍾馗此吳畫以右手第二指抉鬼之目，不若以拇指為有力道玄所畫者，眼色意思皆在第二指見《宣和畫譜》
A Song notebook retells the Huang Quan story while naming its sources, showing that the Zhongkui legend travelled in the art-historical stream rather than the fiction stream; attribution of the book itself unverified in this pass.
中文提要
《浪迹丛谈》卷九重述黄筌改钟馗故事，并明确标注出处「見《益州名畫錄》」「見《宣和畫譜》」。→ 宋代笔记之征引习惯（标明画史出处）可见此故事在宋之流传多赖画史系统而非小说系统；可与郭若虚、《宣和画谱》、《太平广记》卷214对校，四本之「第二指/拇指」争点上文义一致而措辞各别。confidence=partial：作者署名未核得。
held record text-langji-congtan-juan9-zhongkui__027eac1c.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
清；所记孙知微为北宋画家
《御定佩文齋書畫譜》
卷八十二・宋孫知微畫雪鍾馗
宋孫知微畫雪鍾馗想見武舉不第胸中未平又恐鬼物擾人擒捕擊搏戯用餘勇也筆墨神妙超然度越衆人
Sun Zhiwei's Song Snow Zhongkui is read as a failed military candidate with unappeased rage — by the 11th century Zhongkui was already construed as an exam-wronged spirit, in the martial-exam line of the Shiwu jiyuan rather than the jinshi line.
中文提要
《佩文斋书画谱》卷82录宋孙知微（华阳人，字微之，画史称「孙知微」）《雪钟馗》：题语谓「想見武舉不第、胸中未平」——11世纪画题中的钟馗已被读作「不第之士」，且是武举而非进士。→ 与《事物纪原》「臣武舉所棄鍾馗也」同一系统，证明「不第」主题在北宋画论中已成立（并非南宋类书首创），并与后世「进士不捷」版并行不悖。此条亦为「钟馗=不平之气的化身」这一文人化解读之最早形态。
held record text-peiwen-shuhuapu-juan82-zhongkui-huamu__19159985.txt open edition
Yuan 元
3 passages whose subject-matter sits here; the printed edition's own date is on each slip
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
清；所引朱德润（存复斋）题跋为元
《御定佩文齋書畫譜》
卷八十二・宋石恪鍾馗氏小妹圖（引元朱德潤跋）
宋石恪鍾馗氏小妹圖遯齋閒覽云宋皇祐中掘地得宋宗慤母墓誌刻石載其妹名鍾馗此鍾馗氏小妹之始見於簡録也今觀石恪所畫一年少婦人四女鬼相從豈謂是邪{{SK notes|朱徳潤存復齋
Zhu Derun's Yuan colophon, surviving only as quoted inside a Qing painting catalogue, identifies Shi Ke's young woman with four female ghosts as Zhongkui's youngest sister, warranting it with a Song notebook's tomb epitaph: by the Yuan the marrying-off-the-sister theme already had both a picture and a documentary pedigree.
中文提要
元朱德润跋（今仅赖《佩文斋书画谱》卷82转引存其文；朱氏《存复斋文集》原本本次未获，故本条属转引证据）把石恪所画「一年少婦人四女鬼相從」认定为「鍾馗氏小妹」，并以《遁斋闲览》所记宗悫母墓志（妹名钟馗）为文献根据。→ 嫁妹题材之图像学依据链由此闭合：宋画题名（小妹图）＋宋人笔记（妹名钟馗）＋元人题跋（画、志互证）。可见至晚在元代，嫁妹已有画与文双重谱系，非明代小说之创作。又《宣和画谱》著录之「鍾馗氏圖」与此「鍾馗氏小妹圖」同用「氏」字，提示早期或将钟馗读为氏姓。
held record text-peiwen-shuhuapu-juan82-zhongkui-huamu__19159985.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
folk and narrative record
元—明初（四库本；成书年代本次未核，不作断语）
《氏族大全》
卷一・鍾姓・終南進士
鍾馗唐武徳中應舉不㨗觸殿階而死後現夢于明皇曰臣終南山進士鍾馗願為掃天下虚耗之孽終南進士
A Yuan–early-Ming genealogical handbook compresses the whole story into a single Zhang-surname trope: Zhongkui failed the Wude examination and killed himself on the palace steps. The dream tale was rapidly turned into surname lore, the same route by which modern lineage claims in Hu county could attach themselves to him.
中文提要
《氏族大全》卷一鍾姓下立「終南進士」一目，把整个梦说压缩为氏族谱式的一条典故：「鍾馗唐武徳中應舉不㨗觸殿階而死後現夢于明皇」→ 钟馗作为「钟姓」之姓氏典故进入元明族谱/类书系统（并附「摶虎之勇」「小鍾」等钟姓人物）。→ 说明「应举不捷—触阶死」叙事在南宋类书之后迅速被谱牒化、姓氏化，成为地方宗族可借用的祖先资源（今陕西户县阿姑泉钟家传说即此路之延续，然其本身无早期出处）。
held record text-shizu-daquan-juan1-zhongnan-jinshi__1de8cf01.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
清（18世纪）；所记龚开为宋末元初人
《御定佩文齋書畫譜》
卷五十二・龔開
龔開字聖予號翠巗淮隂人鍾馗等畫{{SK notes|畫史㑹要}}
A Qing catalogue of painting records that the Song-Yuan loyalist Gong Kai specialised in ink ghosts and Zhongkui subjects; read with the Yuan poets inscribing his Mountain Outing picture, this shows Zhongkui had become a vehicle for political satire by the 13th century.
中文提要
《佩文斋书画谱》卷52引《画史会要》：宋末元初龚开（圣予、翠岩）「尤喜作墨[鬼]、钟馗等画」。→ 与《题画诗类》所收元人题龚开《中山出游图》诗（宋无、韩性、王肖翁、释宗衍、李鸣凤诸家，皆有妹/妇同游之描写）合读，可见钟馗在宋元之际已成为遗民画家借鬼讽世之成熟题材，且画面必有其妹/妇同列。
held record text-peiwenshujiapu-juan52-gongkai-mozhongkui__7da3df94.txt open edition
Ming 明
13 passages whose subject-matter sits here; the printed edition's own date is on each slip
- Confirmed Confirmed
folk and narrative record
明（刻本；成书年代本次未核，旧说或元或明，不作断语）
《三教源流搜神大全》
卷三・鍾馗
==鍾馗==明皇開元講武驪山翠華還宮上不悅因痁疾作晝夢一小鬼衣絳犢鼻跣一足履一足奏云臣鍾南山進士鍾馗也因武徳中應舉不捷羞㱕故里觸殿階而死是時奉旨賜緑袍以塟之感恩祭祀與我主除天下虚耗妖孽之事乃詔畫工呉道子曰試與朕如夢圖道子奉旨恍若有覩立筆成圖
The Ming San jiao yuanliu soushen daquan enshrines Zhongkui among the gods with a woodblock portrait and the full dream story — keeping both the internal reign-title contradiction (Kaiyuan emperor, Wude examination) and the variant place-name Zhong Nanshan.
中文提要
明刻《三教源流搜神大全》卷三「鍾馗」条（附版画神像）全文采信《唐逸史》系梦说，并保留同句内的年号矛盾：「開元」明皇 vs「武徳中」应举；且作「臣鍾南山進士鍾馗也」（他书作「終南山」）。→ 民间信仰文本（三教源流）为钟馗正式编入神谱之定型：与「蒿里相公」等同卷并列，有像、有源流、有封赠逻辑，是今日民间年画/庙祀所据之底本。异文「鍾南山」为地名讹变提供本子证据。
held record text-ming-sanjiao-soushen-daquan-juan3__ec5b4ebb.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
folk and narrative record
明（隆庆—万历间；本页未标年）
《天中記》
卷四・人日/歲時部・夢鍾馗
夢鍾馗明皇開元講武驪山翠華還宫上不恱因痁疾作晝夢一小鬼衣絳犢鼻跌一足履一足臣終南山進士鍾馗也因武徳中應舉不㨗羞歸故里觸殿階而死是時奉㫖賜緑袍以葬之感恩發誓與我王除天下虚耗妖孽之事{{SK notes|唐逸史}}賜與百金
Chen Yaowen's Ming handbook, quoted by Zhao Yi as the effective vehicle of the tale: since Tang Yishi is no longer visible, what circulates as the story is what the Tianzhong ji prints.
中文提要
明《天中记》卷四「梦钟馗」条（夹注出《唐逸史》）为赵翼所见之同文系统——赵翼《陔余丛考》直言「今按《天中记》引《唐逸史》……《唐逸史》不可见，《天中记》所载，斯其故事矣」。→ 此条是清儒判定「触阶/赐绿袍故事之实际流传载体为明清类书而非唐书」之关键；亦是本书故事谱系页之「今通行本」所本。
held record text-ming-tianzhongji-juan4-tangyishi__55df9470.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
folk and narrative record
明（据四库著录，本次未核）
《群書類編故事》
卷二・夢鍾馗／桃符畫神
臣終南山進士鍾馗也。因武德中應舉不捷，羞歸故里，觸殿階而死。是時奉旨，賜綠袍以葬之。賜以百金（《唐逸史》）。東海度朔山有大桃樹，蟠屈三千里。其卑枝向東北曰鬼門，萬鬼出入也。有二神，一曰神荼，一曰鬱壘
A Ming story-encyclopaedia sets the dream of Zhongkui beside the peach-wood talisman entry for Shenshu and Yulei: Ming compilers themselves classified Zhongkui in the door-guardian genus, the bibliographic root of the modern claim that he replaced the older door spirits.
中文提要
明《群书类编故事》卷二「梦钟馗」条（标出《唐逸史》）与同卷「桃符画神」条（度朔山、神荼郁垒、黄帝立桃板于门）并列。→ 明代类书在版式上就把钟馗与神荼郁垒放在同一「门户守护神」类目里，是「钟馗取代桃神/门神」这一后世通说之明代文本源头；周繇赋「彼號伊祁，亦名鬱壘」（晚唐）为其最早之文本前例。此条为并列关系之证据，不等于唐代即已混同。
held record text-ming-qunshu-leibian-gushi-juan2__a4421641.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
明（1397—1466以后；郎瑛1426—1466，本页未标年）
《七修類稿》
卷二十三・鍾馗起於明皇
鍾馗起於明皇之夢，唐逸史所載也。予嘗讀《北史》，有堯喧本名鍾葵，字辟邪。意葵字傳訛，而捉鬼事起於字也。上有鍾馗字，似非開元時也葵字之訛，恐如薛仁貴碑，實名禮，而傳寫之謬。又如十八學士之類歟？存疑以俟博古。
Lang Ying opens the early-modern考证 chain: from Yao Xuan's original name and the Six-Dynasties stele he argues that Kui was a graphic corruption and the ghost-catching story grew out of the written form — yet he still accepts Tang Yishi as the story's source, as do all his successors.
中文提要
明郎瑛《七修类稿》：以《北史》尧暄（本名钟葵、字辟邪）+《宣和画谱》六朝古碣两条反证，提出「葵字传讹而捉鬼事起于字」之说，并以薛仁贵碑实名礼之类比作类比；结尾自称「存疑以俟博古」。→ 这是「钟馗=钟葵/终葵讹字」论之近世起点，此后杨慎（终葵=椎）、胡应麟、顾炎武、赵翼层层加码；本条同时证明：明清考订链对「唐逸史所載」的说法本身是接受而非怀疑的（他们驳的是年代，不是故事）。
held record text-ming-langying-qiuxiu-leigao-juan23__508e4a1b.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
明（1488—1559）
《升菴集》
卷四十四・鍾馗即終葵
鍾馗即終葵考工記曰大圭首終葵注終葵椎也齊人名椎曰終葵葢言大圭之首似椎爾其後訛為鍾馗俗畫一神像帖於門手執椎以擊鬼好怪者便傅㑹説鍾馗能啖鬼畫士又作鍾馗元夕出遊圖又作鍾馗嫁妹圖訛之又訛矣按孫逖張説文集有謝賜鍾馗畫表先於開元久矣虢州嵗貢鍾馗二十枚未知鍾馗得號之由也
Yang Shen assembles the club thesis from the Kaogong ji, its commentary and Fangyan, denounces the Lantern-Festival outing and the marrying-off-the-sister paintings as corruption upon corruption, and uses Sun Ti's and Zhang Yue's thanks to prove the gift custom long predates Kaiyuan — while preserving the variant 'twenty' for the Guozhou tribute.
中文提要
杨慎《升庵集》卷44「钟馗即终葵」条：以《考工记》「大圭首终葵」+注「终葵，椎也」+《方言》「齐人名椎曰终葵」建立「椎→钟馗」讹变说，并把「钟馗元夕出游图」「钟馗嫁妹图」一并斥为「讹之又讹」；又据孙逖、张说文集谢赐钟馗画表指出「先於開元久矣」，直斥「文人又戏作钟馗传，言钟馗为开元进士、明皇梦见，尤为无稽」。→ 本条同时是三件事的证据：（1）终葵=椎论之集大成；（2）以张说表反证梦说年代之最早学者；（3）对嫁妹/元夜出游图像之文献学否定（后世「嫁妹出于宋画」之论正好与之相对）。亦保存《文房四谱》「二十枚」之异文。
held record text-ming-yangshen-shenganji-juan44__4eebf90f.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
明（1488—1559）
《升菴集》
卷八十・葵
冬葵菜名今之滑菜也又名露葵終葵繁露也見爾雅名承露可以染蔬
Yang Shen elsewhere notes that zhongkui is also an Erya plant name (fanlu, Malva), corroborated in the Qing by Wu Qijun — evidence that the club etymology was only one of three Ming-Qing readings and must be presented as a contested thesis.
中文提要
杨慎《升庵集》卷80「葵」条出「終葵繁露也見爾雅」，即以《尔雅·释草》之菜名解释终葵；与清吴其濬《植物名实图考》卷四落葵条（同引尔雅「终葵，繁露」注「承露也」）一致。→ 「终葵」在明清至少有三解：椎（杨慎卷44/顾炎武）、菜（尔雅繁露，李石已举）、菌（李时珍据尔雅）。名物多义说明「钟馗即终葵」并非单一命定式考订，此点须于词源页并列呈现。
held record text-yangsheng-an-juan80-zhongkui-fanlu__9d0adf3f.txt open edition
- Inferred Inferred
scholarly examination
明（16世纪）
《丹鉛摘録》
卷十一（俗傳鍾馗条）
俗傳鍾馗起于唐明皇之夢非也葢唐人戯作鍾馗傳虚構其事如毛頴陶之類耳北史堯暄本名鍾葵字辟邪後世畫鍾葵于門謂之辟邪由此傅㑹也宋宗慤妹名鍾葵後世畫工作鍾馗嫁妹圖由此傅㑹也但葵馗二字異耳北齊有一士讀書不過二三百卷嘗出境聘東萊王韓問曰玉珽杼上終葵首當作何形乃荅曰珽頭曲圓勢如葵葉耳韓乃忍笑
The Danqian zhilu calls the Zhongkui zhuan a playful literary fiction in the class of Han Yu's Essay on the Brush — the strongest formulation of the invention thesis — and cites Yan Zhitui's joke about a 6th-century man who could not say what a zhongkui head looked like, proof that the word's meaning was already lost.
中文提要
《丹铅摘録》卷11：杨慎主张「唐人戏作钟馗传，虚构其事，如毛颖（韩愈）、陶泓（柳宗元）之寓言」，并把嫁妹图直接归因于宗悫妹名钟葵之附会；同条又引《颜氏家训》北齐士人不识「玉珽杼上终葵首」而答「珽头曲圆势如葵叶」之讥。→ 关键：杨慎把钟馗传定性为文人拟托之寓言（与韩愈《毛颖传》同类），这是「钟馗故事=文学虚构」论之最强表述；而所引颜之推笑话说明「终葵」本义在6世纪已需靠注疏才能理解（时人误解为葵叶形），是「名存义亡」的早期证据。confidence=partial：署名未于该页核得（赵翼《陔余丛考》明标此文为「用修《丹鉛雜錄》」，可作间接署名）。
held record text-danqian-zhalu-juan11-zhongkui__2f24f601.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
明（16世纪）
《名疑》
卷四・鍾馗（神荼郁垒条并见）
世傳鍾馗唐武德中應舉不捷觸殿階而死後見夢於明皇曰臣終南進士鍾馗願除天下虚耗之孽此事見逸史唐書不載此事見逸史唐書不載楊子巵言即以鍾馗之訛本於此似無確據豈可曲引為證此亦意撰也俗繪鍾馗執
Chen Shiyuan's Ming dictionary of doubtful names concedes that the tale is in Yishi and not in the Tang history, then dismantles every etymology on offer — club, plant, the graph 䕫 — as conjecture, while still proving from Sun Ti and Zhang Yue that the name predates Kaiyuan: the most cautious Ming verdict.
中文提要
明陈士元《名疑》卷四对钟馗名之作综合考订，其价值在「否证式陈述」：（1）「此事見逸史，唐書不載」——承认故事只见于小说家言，正史无载；（2）逐一破斥诸说：终葵=椎（引《考工记》注）、鍾馗=終䕫（六书本义/集韵通用/孔丛子山鬼名）皆断为「似無確據」「豈可曲引為證」「此亦意撰也」；（3）又以《左传》殷人七族终葵氏、《尔雅》蔠葵/中馗二草名反证其说之可引而不可定；（4）末据孙逖、张说谢表断「鍾馗之名不始於開元時」。→ 明代最审慎的一席话，可直接作为本页「学者考订」章之方法论结论。
held record text-ming-chen-shiyuan-mingyi-juan4__bcf57e56.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
明（1578年成书之说本次未核；本页未标年）
《本草綱目》
卷三十八・服器部・鍾馗（集解）
時珍曰逸史云唐高祖時鍾馗應舉不第觸階而死後明皇夢有小鬼盗玉笛一大鬼破㡌藍袍捉鬼啖之時珍謹按爾雅云鍾馗菌名也考工記注云終葵椎名也菌似椎形推似菌形故得同稱俗畫神執一椎擊鬼故亦名鍾馗好事者因作鍾馗傳言是未第進士能啖鬼遂成故事不知其訛矣主治辟邪止瘧
In the Bencao gangmu Zhongkui is an entry in the material-medica (with indications: wards off evil, stops ague). Li Shizhen reconciles the Erya's fungus with the Kaogong ji's club through similar shape and pronounces the unsuccessful-jinshi tale a later embellishment — while himself dating it to Gaozu's reign, a further contradiction.
中文提要
《本草纲目》卷38以「鍾馗」为药名（服器部），李时珍集解：（1）转述逸史说而系年为「唐高祖时」（又一异文，与开元说冲突）；（2）提出「菌—椎」形似同称之机制解释（尔雅钟馗=菌名 + 考工记注终葵=椎名），并把「未第进士能啖鬼」明斥为「好事者因作钟馗传…遂成故事，不知其訛矣」。→ 医家本草把钟馗作为药物条目本身，即「钟馗作为辟邪止疟之物」信仰之制度化；李时珍对故事来源的判断是明清最完整的「形名讹变」论证。
held record text-ming-li-shizhen-bencaogangmu-juan38__23da894d.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
folk and narrative record
明
《本草綱目》
卷三十八・鍾馗附方
婦人難産鍾馗左脚燒灰水服鬼瘧來去畫鍾馗紙燒灰二錢
Two prescriptions: the left foot of a painted Zhongkui, burned to ash, for difficult labour; Zhongkui paper burnt and compounded for ghost-ague, compounded on the 15th of the first or fifth month — a medical record that the paper image itself was consumed as medicine, and the earliest link between the lame left leg and fertility folk practice.
中文提要
《本草纲目》钟馗附方两条：「鍾馗左脚燒灰水服」治妇人难产（引杨起《简便方》）；「畫鍾馗紙燒灰」合阿魏、砒霜、丹砂治鬼疟（引《圣济录》），并注明正月十五日、五月初五日修合。→ 医书实录：16世纪钟馗画像（尤其「左脚」）被焚灰入药，是「画像物质性=灵力」之最直白证据；亦为「钟馗=左脚（跛/跣一足）」图像特征与民俗功能（求子/难产）绑定之最早文献。与《补笔谈》吴道子本「一足跣」、《事物纪原》「鞟一足」诸图像记录连读。
held record text-ming-li-shizhen-bencaogangmu-juan38__23da894d.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
明
《廣菌譜》
鍾馗菌条（维基文库页 from=《說郛續》卷四十一）
鍾馗菌，即土菌，地上經秋雨生，重臺者一名仙人帽。盖鍾馗，神名也，此菌釘上若繖，其狀如鍾馗之帽，故以名之。
Pan Zhiheng's Ming fungus catalogue names the Zhongkui fungus because its cap looks like Zhongkui's hat, and states flatly that Zhongkui is the name of a god — proof that by the 16th century the tattered hat was a recognised visual token, and that the fungus reading of the word lived on in practice.
中文提要
明潘之恒《广菌谱》：「鍾馗菌」以菌盖形似钟馗之帽（幞头/破帽）得名，且明言「盖鍾馗，神名也」。→ 16世纪民间常识中钟馗之「帽」已是可识别之视觉符号（与「破帽」图像传统互证）；同时构成第三种名物解释（菌名）在明代的实际流传。与《尔雅》钟馗菌名、本草纲目说、以及《植物名实图考》落葵并读，说明钟馗名之民间词源学活跃。
held record text-guanjunpu-zhongkui-jun__ce3577fb.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
folk and narrative record
明（刻本年代本页未标；旧说万历间）
《唐鍾馗全傳》
卷首/说得钟馗出处（维基文库本）
奏云：「臣乃終南山進士鍾馗也。因中頭名狀元，唐王嫌臣貌醜，遂黜職不用，羞歸故里，觸殿階而死。敕封為護國佑民降妖大元帥明皇開元，講武驪山，翠華還宮，上不悅，因痁疾作，晝夢一小鬼
The Ming novel resets the story: Kaiyuan is the only reign title, Zhongkui wins top place but is struck from the list for ugliness, and receives the title Great Marshal. The popular modern version — champion wronged for his looks and deified as marshal — has no Tang or Song source at all.
中文提要
明《唐钟馗全传》改定故事要素：（1）年号归回「開元」（不再矛盾），（2）「中頭名狀元」而为「唐王嫌臣貌醜」被黜（新增「貌丑夺元」情节），（3）新增「敕封護國佑民降妖大元帥」之封号。→ 今日流行版本（状元—貌丑—触死—封元帅）之实底是明代小说，无唐代或宋代出处；本书须以本页为叙事演变终点，并明确指出早期文本只作「应举不捷」（进士）或「武举所弃」（武举），从无「状元的貌丑被黜」。
held record text-ming-tang-zhongkui-quanzhuan__2a1c2da7.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
folk and narrative record
明（刻本）
《三教源流搜神大全》
卷三・蒿里相公（与鍾馗同卷）
公習科斈登第為人鯁直旡私累陳諫事不聽公乃觸階而死郡人立其祠至唐睿宗延和年封公為直列侯蒿里趙相公者乃長安蒿里村人也
In the very same volume stands a Haoli Xianggong who also passed the exams, remonstrated, dashed himself on the steps and died, and received a shrine and a marquisate — proving that the death-by-the-steps element belongs to a standard deification formula, not to Zhongkui's own history.
中文提要
与钟馗同卷同类的「蒿里相公」条：赵相公「習科斈登第」「累陳諫事不聽」「觸階而死」「郡人立其祠」「唐睿宗延和年封…侯」。→ 关键否证式材料：「登第—直谏—触阶死—立祠—封侯」是明清神谱中通行之封神母题，钟馗之触阶死并非孤立史事，而是此格式之一次套用。可作为「触阶死」无历史出处、属层累附会之结构性证据（民间传说/后世附会标签）。
held record text-ming-sanjiao-soushen-daquan-juan3__ec5b4ebb.txt open edition
Qing 清
6 passages whose subject-matter sits here; the printed edition's own date is on each slip
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
清乾隆间（18世纪）
《續博物志》
卷首・欽定四庫全書總目提要（维基文库四库全书页）
等謹按續博物志十卷舊本題晉李石撰然第二卷稱今上於前朝作鎮睢陽洎開國號大宋是宋太祖時人矣
The Siku quanshu tiyao uses internal evidence to date the Xu bowuzhi to the Song, not Jin — the basis for assigning Li Shi's Zhongkui entry to the Song, and a worked example of this ledger's method.
中文提要
四库馆臣据本书内证判定《续博物志》非晋人李石所作而为宋人。→ 本账目将李石《续博物志》钟馗条系于宋代之依据；亦示范：笔记/类书之成书年代须以内证或《四库总目提要》为准，不可径据通行旧题（此为方法论页之实例）。
held record text-xubowuzhi-tiyao-lishi__51312a6b.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
primary text
清（18世纪辑）；所引李廌《画品》为北宋
《御定佩文齋書畫譜》
卷八十二・宋石恪（引北宋李廌《画品》）
宋石恪又嘗見恪所作鬼百戯圖鍾馗夫婦對案置酒供張果肴{{SK notes|李廌畫品}}前有大小鬼數十合樂呈伎倆曲盡其妙
Through a Qing compendium we still have Li Zhi's Song note on Shi Ke's Hundred Devil-Play, showing a married Zhongkui holding a household banquet with ghost servants: the family premise of the marrying-off-the-sister story existed in 11th-century painting, before any text.
中文提要
《佩文斋书画谱》卷82转引北宋李廌《画品》记石恪《鬼百戏图》：「鍾馗夫婦對案置酒，供張果肴」，左右执事皆鬼，前后大小鬼数十合乐呈技。→ 11世纪画品所见之钟馗已有妻室、家宅、宴乐与鬼奴班底，即钟馗全家（嫁妹/出巡/膺福）题材之最早记录，早于任何文本故事。石恪为成都人、以滑稽玩世之笔作鬼神，此条亦说明「钟馗戏百鬼」在北宋已是可笑的世俗场景而非宗教图像。
held record text-peiwen-shuhuapu-juan82-zhongkui-huamu__19159985.txt open edition
- Inferred Inferred
scholarly examination
清道光（19世纪）
《植物名實圖考》
卷四・落葵（道光刻本）
落葵別錄下品爾雅終葵繁露注承露也大莖小葉華紫黃色卽臙脂豆也
A 19th-century botanical verification that the Erya's zhongkui/fanlu is the cultivated Malva — supporting the plant reading of the word that Li Shi and Yang Shen also recorded.
中文提要
清吴其濬《植物名实图考》落葵条以名物实证确认《尔雅》「终葵，繁露」即今落葵（胭脂豆/木耳菜）。→ 给「终葵=菜名」一说（宋李石已举、明杨慎复述）提供清代博物学之佐证；本书词源页须呈现三说（椎/菜/菌）并存，而非只取清儒主流的椎说。confidence=partial：页内署名未核。
held record text-erya-zhongkui-fanlu-ziwu-mingzhi__f3a335e8.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
明清之际（17世纪）
《日知錄》
卷三十二・終葵
大圭長三尺，杼上終葵首。蓋古人以椎逐鬼今人於戶上畫鐘馗像，雲唐時人能捕鬼者，玄宗嘗夢見之，事載沈存中《補筆談》。未必然也。則古人固以鐘葵為辟邪之物矣是又不可知其立名之意也
Gu Yanwu's entry assembles four classical witnesses — the Kaogong ji, the Liji commentary, Fangyan and Ma Rong's fu — to conclude that the ancients drove off ghosts with a club, and then pronounces the dream story recorded by Shen Kuo impossible. This is the settled Qing thesis, and the model of using the classics to interrogate custom.
中文提要
顾炎武《日知录》卷32「终葵」条：连引《考工记》《礼记·玉藻》《方言》与马融《广成颂》四证，得「古人以椎逐鬼，若大傩之为」，随即判定今人户上钟馗（本于沈括《补笔谈》所记玄宗梦）「未必然也」，并列举大量六朝—唐人名钟葵者。→ 清学主流「钟馗即终葵（椎）」论之定型文本，同时明确否定梦说之史实性。此条亦是「以经证俗」方法论之典范（本书考证页骨干）。注意：点校本作「鐘馗/鐘葵」，四库本作「鍾馗/鍾葵」，字形亦成异文（见 qing_rizhilu_siku）。
held record text-rizhilu-juan32-zhongkui__4c082298.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
17世纪
《日知錄》
卷三十二・魁
今人所奉魁星，不知始自何年，以奎為文章之府，故立廟祀之。乃不能像奎，而改奎為
In the same juan Gu Yanwu traces the worship of the Kui star to a graphic substitution — a parallel method to the zhongkui argument. The two entries sit side by side, inviting the later folk conflation of Zhongkui with the examination god, though Gu himself does not conflate them.
中文提要
《日知录》同卷「魁」条论奎→魁之字形讹变与「不能像奎，而改奎为魁」之造像讹误。→ 与「终葵→钟馗」并置，是清儒以「文字讹变解释俗神起源」之同一方法；亦提示：钟馗信仰与科举文化（魁星/五魁）在清代民间被互相嫁接（后世「钟馗=夺魁/魁星点斗」联想之学理背景）。此条不可直接读作「钟馗即魁星」，二者在顾炎武处只是并列之讹变例子。
held record text-rizhilu-juan32-zhongkui__4c082298.txt open edition
- Confirmed Confirmed
scholarly examination
17世纪；四库写本为18世纪
《日知錄》
卷三十二・終葵（欽定四庫全書本）
馬融廣成頌翬蓋古人以椎逐鬼若大儺之為耳今人於户上畫鍾馗像云唐時人能捕鬼者五代史呉越世家嵗除畫工獻鍾馗擊鬼圖魏書堯暄本名鍾葵字辟邪
The Siku manuscript of the same entry preserves the graph hui and a lacuna in Ma Rong's fu, writes 鍾 where the punctuated edition writes 鐘, and carries an extra note citing the New History of the Five Dynasties — a demonstration that even Qing evidential quotations drift between witnesses.
中文提要
四库全书本《日知录》同条之异文：（1）马融颂作「翬{{SK notes|挥同}}終葵{{SKchar|3951}}关斧」（保留「翬」与缺字），今点校本径作「终葵，扬关斧」；（2）四库本作「鍾馗/鍾葵」，点校本作「鐘馗/鐘葵」；（3）四库本夹注多出「五代史呉越世家嵗除畫工獻鍾馗擊鬼圖」一条（点校本注于正文他处）。→ 版本学硬证：连顾炎武引文的字形与所据异文都因抄本系统而变异，任何钟馗考证都必须交代所据版本。此条为本书 method 页之示范材料。
held record text-rizhilu-siku-juan32-zhongkui__107d7b06.txt open edition
What the corpus does not settle
No passage in 35 works identifies the 方相氏 of the 周禮 with Zhong Kui. The ritual officer supplies the gear (bear skin, four golden eyes, dagger-axe and shield, rooms searched, tomb corners struck) and the vocabulary of driving, and the equation is a modern inference drawn from that resemblance. It is a reasonable inference and it is not in the text, so it is not printed as though it were.
The chain that ties the dream story to a Tang book does not close either. Song and Ming encyclopaedias cite 《逸史》 for it, so the transmitted 《逸史》 attributed to Lu Zhao was captured and searched: the name does not occur in it. The consequence is stated plainly on this page — what circulates as «the oldest version» is a Song and Ming quotation of a text we can no longer see, and 《天中記》 is named in the ledger as the vehicle that actually carried the tale.
Three etymologies are live in the same sources and none of them wins: a club used to drive off ghosts, which is what the 考工記 and Gu Yanwu read; a plant named in the 爾雅, which Yang Shen and Wu Qijun verify botanically; and the graph 䕫, which Chen Shiyuan dismantles along with the others. The page keeps all three because the disagreement is the historical fact.
Editions disagree too, and that is why each slip names its capture. The same Shen Kuo passage differs between the modern punctuated edition and the 四庫全書 witness; the same Gu Yanwu entry preserves a graph and a lacuna that the punctuated text smooths away. Last checked 23 Sep 2026.
The same tradition in pictures What the 2026 reveal actually shows What has been said about the game